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Life history theory asserts that all organisms, including humans, must make trade-offs between allocating resources either toward their own growth and development or toward more immediate reproduction.

Life history theory contends that the fundamental trade-off between reproductive and somatic effort is influenced by ecological conditions (Kaplan & Gangestad, 2005).

To understand how organisms cope with resource-scarce ecologies, it is therefore useful to consider life history theory, which is a foundational framework in evolutionary ecology and is increasingly used in anthropology and developmental psychology (Chisholm, 1993; Roff, 2002; Stearns, 1992).

Life history theory contends that the fundamental trade-off between reproductive and somatic effort is influenced by ecological conditions (Kaplan & Gangestad, 2005).

For example, research finds that individuals living in harsh environments marked by ecological resource scarcity and financial impoverishment tend to allocate effort toward more immediate reproduction than those living in more resource-abundant, financially secure environments (Belsky, Schlomer, & Ellis, 2011; Ellis, Figueredo, Brumbach, & Schlomer, 2009; Simpson, Griskevicius, Kuo, Sung, & Collins, 2012).

Fluctuations in prosperity and resource availability are not strictly modern phenomena.

Fluctuations in prosperity and resource availability are not strictly modern phenomena.

For example, recent recessions have been linked to dwindling optimism among college students about their employment prospects (De Hauw & De Vos, 2010) and a decline in life satisfaction and well-being (Tausig & Fenwick, 1999).

Economic recessions are a ubiquitous feature of modern market economies.

Over the course of evolutionary time, our human ancestors regularly went through cycles of abundance and famine (Chakravarthy & Booth, 2004).

To understand how organisms cope with resource-scarce ecologies, it is therefore useful to consider life history theory, which is a foundational framework in evolutionary ecology and is increasingly used in anthropology and developmental psychology (Chisholm, 1993; Roff, 2002; Stearns, 1992).

To understand how organisms cope with resource-scarce ecologies, it is therefore useful to consider life history theory, which is a foundational framework in evolutionary ecology and is increasingly used in anthropology and developmental psychology (Chisholm, 1993; Roff, 2002; Stearns, 1992).

For example, throughout development, organisms must “choose” whether to allocate energy at a given point either toward seeking a mate or toward other tasks unrelated to immediate mating concerns (e.g., building embodied capital, growth, immune functioning).

Economic recessions are a ubiquitous feature of modern market economies.

For example, throughout development, organisms must “choose” whether to allocate energy at a given point either toward seeking a mate or toward other tasks unrelated to immediate mating concerns (e.g., building embodied capital, growth, immune functioning).

Life history theory contends that the fundamental trade-off between reproductive and somatic effort is influenced by ecological conditions (Kaplan & Gangestad, 2005).

For example, throughout development, organisms must “choose” whether to allocate energy at a given point either toward seeking a mate or toward other tasks unrelated to immediate mating concerns (e.g., building embodied capital, growth, immune functioning).

Life history theory asserts that all organisms, including humans, must make trade-offs between allocating resources either toward their own growth and development or toward more immediate reproduction.

Fluctuations in prosperity and resource availability are not strictly modern phenomena.

For example, throughout development, organisms must “choose” whether to allocate energy at a given point either toward seeking a mate or toward other tasks unrelated to immediate mating concerns (e.g., building embodied capital, growth, immune functioning).

Economic recessions are a ubiquitous feature of modern market economies.

Because economic recessions are also marked by dwindling resource access and poverty, economic recessions may therefore function like cues signaling environmental harshness.

For example, research finds that individuals living in harsh environments marked by ecological resource scarcity and financial impoverishment tend to allocate effort toward more immediate reproduction than those living in more resource-abundant, financially secure environments (Belsky, Schlomer, & Ellis, 2011; Ellis, Figueredo, Brumbach, & Schlomer, 2009; Simpson, Griskevicius, Kuo, Sung, & Collins, 2012).

At the aggregate economic level, recessions are marked by widespread decreases in consumer spending (Bohlen et al.,

For example, recent recessions have been linked to dwindling optimism among college students about their employment prospects (De Hauw & De Vos, 2010) and a decline in life satisfaction and well-being (Tausig & Fenwick, 1999).

At the aggregate economic level, recessions are marked by widespread decreases in consumer spending (Bohlen et al.,

For example, recent recessions have been linked to dwindling optimism among college students about their employment prospects (De Hauw & De Vos, 2010) and a decline in life satisfaction and well-being (Tausig & Fenwick, 1999).

Over the course of evolutionary time, our human ancestors regularly went through cycles of abundance and famine (Chakravarthy & Booth, 2004).

To understand how organisms cope with resource-scarce ecologies, it is therefore useful to consider life history theory, which is a foundational framework in evolutionary ecology and is increasingly used in anthropology and developmental psychology (Chisholm, 1993; Roff, 2002; Stearns, 1992).

For example, throughout development, organisms must “choose” whether to allocate energy at a given point either toward seeking a mate or toward other tasks unrelated to immediate mating concerns (e.g., building embodied capital, growth, immune functioning).

Life history theory asserts that all organisms, including humans, must make trade-offs between allocating resources either toward their own growth and development or toward more immediate reproduction.

To understand how organisms cope with resource-scarce ecologies, it is therefore useful to consider life history theory, which is a foundational framework in evolutionary ecology and is increasingly used in anthropology and developmental psychology (Chisholm, 1993; Roff, 2002; Stearns, 1992).

To understand how organisms cope with resource-scarce ecologies, it is therefore useful to consider life history theory, which is a foundational framework in evolutionary ecology and is increasingly used in anthropology and developmental psychology (Chisholm, 1993; Roff, 2002; Stearns, 1992).

Economic declines can also have psychological consequences.

Over the course of evolutionary time, our human ancestors regularly went through cycles of abundance and famine (Chakravarthy & Booth, 2004).

At the aggregate economic level, recessions are marked by widespread decreases in consumer spending (Bohlen et al.,

To understand how organisms cope with resource-scarce ecologies, it is therefore useful to consider life history theory, which is a foundational framework in evolutionary ecology and is increasingly used in anthropology and developmental psychology (Chisholm, 1993; Roff, 2002; Stearns, 1992).

Life history theory contends that the fundamental trade-off between reproductive and somatic effort is influenced by ecological conditions (Kaplan & Gangestad, 2005).

For example, research finds that individuals living in harsh environments marked by ecological resource scarcity and financial impoverishment tend to allocate effort toward more immediate reproduction than those living in more resource-abundant, financially secure environments (Belsky, Schlomer, & Ellis, 2011; Ellis, Figueredo, Brumbach, & Schlomer, 2009; Simpson, Griskevicius, Kuo, Sung, & Collins, 2012).

Economic declines can also have psychological consequences.

Over the course of evolutionary time, our human ancestors regularly went through cycles of abundance and famine (Chakravarthy & Booth, 2004).

Because economic recessions are also marked by dwindling resource access and poverty, economic recessions may therefore function like cues signaling environmental harshness.

For example, recent recessions have been linked to dwindling optimism among college students about their employment prospects (De Hauw & De Vos, 2010) and a decline in life satisfaction and well-being (Tausig & Fenwick, 1999).

At the aggregate economic level, recessions are marked by widespread decreases in consumer spending (Bohlen et al.,

Life history theory asserts that all organisms, including humans, must make trade-offs between allocating resources either toward their own growth and development or toward more immediate reproduction.

In the United States alone, there have been 23 economic recessions since the mid-1880s (National Bureau of Economic Research, 2011).

Life history theory asserts that all organisms, including humans, must make trade-offs between allocating resources either toward their own growth and development or toward more immediate reproduction.

Fluctuations in prosperity and resource availability are not strictly modern phenomena.

If so, life history theory suggests that economic recessions might lead people to allocate resources toward more immediate mating effort, including mate attraction.

In the United States alone, there have been 23 economic recessions since the mid-1880s (National Bureau of Economic Research, 2011).

In the United States alone, there have been 23 economic recessions since the mid-1880s (National Bureau of Economic Research, 2011).

For example, recent recessions have been linked to dwindling optimism among college students about their employment prospects (De Hauw & De Vos, 2010) and a decline in life satisfaction and well-being (Tausig & Fenwick, 1999).

For example, research finds that individuals living in harsh environments marked by ecological resource scarcity and financial impoverishment tend to allocate effort toward more immediate reproduction than those living in more resource-abundant, financially secure environments (Belsky, Schlomer, & Ellis, 2011; Ellis, Figueredo, Brumbach, & Schlomer, 2009; Simpson, Griskevicius, Kuo, Sung, & Collins, 2012).

Over the course of evolutionary time, our human ancestors regularly went through cycles of abundance and famine (Chakravarthy & Booth, 2004).

Life history theory contends that the fundamental trade-off between reproductive and somatic effort is influenced by ecological conditions (Kaplan & Gangestad, 2005).

Life history theory contends that the fundamental trade-off between reproductive and somatic effort is influenced by ecological conditions (Kaplan & Gangestad, 2005).

For example, research finds that individuals living in harsh environments marked by ecological resource scarcity and financial impoverishment tend to allocate effort toward more immediate reproduction than those living in more resource-abundant, financially secure environments (Belsky, Schlomer, & Ellis, 2011; Ellis, Figueredo, Brumbach, & Schlomer, 2009; Simpson, Griskevicius, Kuo, Sung, & Collins, 2012).

For example, recent recessions have been linked to dwindling optimism among college students about their employment prospects (De Hauw & De Vos, 2010) and a decline in life satisfaction and well-being (Tausig & Fenwick, 1999).

For example, research finds that individuals living in harsh environments marked by ecological resource scarcity and financial impoverishment tend to allocate effort toward more immediate reproduction than those living in more resource-abundant, financially secure environments (Belsky, Schlomer, & Ellis, 2011; Ellis, Figueredo, Brumbach, & Schlomer, 2009; Simpson, Griskevicius, Kuo, Sung, & Collins, 2012).

At the aggregate economic level, recessions are marked by widespread decreases in consumer spending (Bohlen et al.,

Fluctuations in prosperity and resource availability are not strictly modern phenomena.

Life history theory asserts that all organisms, including humans, must make trade-offs between allocating resources either toward their own growth and development or toward more immediate reproduction.

To understand how organisms cope with resource-scarce ecologies, it is therefore useful to consider life history theory, which is a foundational framework in evolutionary ecology and is increasingly used in anthropology and developmental psychology (Chisholm, 1993; Roff, 2002; Stearns, 1992).

Because economic recessions are also marked by dwindling resource access and poverty, economic recessions may therefore function like cues signaling environmental harshness.

To understand how organisms cope with resource-scarce ecologies, it is therefore useful to consider life history theory, which is a foundational framework in evolutionary ecology and is increasingly used in anthropology and developmental psychology (Chisholm, 1993; Roff, 2002; Stearns, 1992).

Economic recessions are a ubiquitous feature of modern market economies.

For example, recent recessions have been linked to dwindling optimism among college students about their employment prospects (De Hauw & De Vos, 2010) and a decline in life satisfaction and well-being (Tausig & Fenwick, 1999).

If so, life history theory suggests that economic recessions might lead people to allocate resources toward more immediate mating effort, including mate attraction.

Economic recessions are a ubiquitous feature of modern market economies.

Because economic recessions are also marked by dwindling resource access and poverty, economic recessions may therefore function like cues signaling environmental harshness.

For example, recent recessions have been linked to dwindling optimism among college students about their employment prospects (De Hauw & De Vos, 2010) and a decline in life satisfaction and well-being (Tausig & Fenwick, 1999).

For example, throughout development, organisms must “choose” whether to allocate energy at a given point either toward seeking a mate or toward other tasks unrelated to immediate mating concerns (e.g., building embodied capital, growth, immune functioning).

Life history theory asserts that all organisms, including humans, must make trade-offs between allocating resources either toward their own growth and development or toward more immediate reproduction.

For example, throughout development, organisms must “choose” whether to allocate energy at a given point either toward seeking a mate or toward other tasks unrelated to immediate mating concerns (e.g., building embodied capital, growth, immune functioning).

For example, recent recessions have been linked to dwindling optimism among college students about their employment prospects (De Hauw & De Vos, 2010) and a decline in life satisfaction and well-being (Tausig & Fenwick, 1999).

Economic declines can also have psychological consequences.

For example, research finds that individuals living in harsh environments marked by ecological resource scarcity and financial impoverishment tend to allocate effort toward more immediate reproduction than those living in more resource-abundant, financially secure environments (Belsky, Schlomer, & Ellis, 2011; Ellis, Figueredo, Brumbach, & Schlomer, 2009; Simpson, Griskevicius, Kuo, Sung, & Collins, 2012).

For example, throughout development, organisms must “choose” whether to allocate energy at a given point either toward seeking a mate or toward other tasks unrelated to immediate mating concerns (e.g., building embodied capital, growth, immune functioning).

For example, throughout development, organisms must “choose” whether to allocate energy at a given point either toward seeking a mate or toward other tasks unrelated to immediate mating concerns (e.g., building embodied capital, growth, immune functioning).

For example, research finds that individuals living in harsh environments marked by ecological resource scarcity and financial impoverishment tend to allocate effort toward more immediate reproduction than those living in more resource-abundant, financially secure environments (Belsky, Schlomer, & Ellis, 2011; Ellis, Figueredo, Brumbach, & Schlomer, 2009; Simpson, Griskevicius, Kuo, Sung, & Collins, 2012).

Economic recessions are a ubiquitous feature of modern market economies.

For example, throughout development, organisms must “choose” whether to allocate energy at a given point either toward seeking a mate or toward other tasks unrelated to immediate mating concerns (e.g., building embodied capital, growth, immune functioning).

At the aggregate economic level, recessions are marked by widespread decreases in consumer spending (Bohlen et al.,

For example, throughout development, organisms must “choose” whether to allocate energy at a given point either toward seeking a mate or toward other tasks unrelated to immediate mating concerns (e.g., building embodied capital, growth, immune functioning).

For example, recent recessions have been linked to dwindling optimism among college students about their employment prospects (De Hauw & De Vos, 2010) and a decline in life satisfaction and well-being (Tausig & Fenwick, 1999).

For example, research finds that individuals living in harsh environments marked by ecological resource scarcity and financial impoverishment tend to allocate effort toward more immediate reproduction than those living in more resource-abundant, financially secure environments (Belsky, Schlomer, & Ellis, 2011; Ellis, Figueredo, Brumbach, & Schlomer, 2009; Simpson, Griskevicius, Kuo, Sung, & Collins, 2012).

Over the course of evolutionary time, our human ancestors regularly went through cycles of abundance and famine (Chakravarthy & Booth, 2004).

To understand how organisms cope with resource-scarce ecologies, it is therefore useful to consider life history theory, which is a foundational framework in evolutionary ecology and is increasingly used in anthropology and developmental psychology (Chisholm, 1993; Roff, 2002; Stearns, 1992).

For example, recent recessions have been linked to dwindling optimism among college students about their employment prospects (De Hauw & De Vos, 2010) and a decline in life satisfaction and well-being (Tausig & Fenwick, 1999).

To understand how organisms cope with resource-scarce ecologies, it is therefore useful to consider life history theory, which is a foundational framework in evolutionary ecology and is increasingly used in anthropology and developmental psychology (Chisholm, 1993; Roff, 2002; Stearns, 1992).

Economic recessions are a ubiquitous feature of modern market economies.

Life history theory contends that the fundamental trade-off between reproductive and somatic effort is influenced by ecological conditions (Kaplan & Gangestad, 2005).

Life history theory contends that the fundamental trade-off between reproductive and somatic effort is influenced by ecological conditions (Kaplan & Gangestad, 2005).

In the United States alone, there have been 23 economic recessions since the mid-1880s (National Bureau of Economic Research, 2011).

To understand how organisms cope with resource-scarce ecologies, it is therefore useful to consider life history theory, which is a foundational framework in evolutionary ecology and is increasingly used in anthropology and developmental psychology (Chisholm, 1993; Roff, 2002; Stearns, 1992).

In the United States alone, there have been 23 economic recessions since the mid-1880s (National Bureau of Economic Research, 2011).

If so, life history theory suggests that economic recessions might lead people to allocate resources toward more immediate mating effort, including mate attraction.